Tracing
Vinland
on Google
Earth®
.
-- Fly on VinlandAir and
follow our research
vessel “Wave Cleaver” as it tracks the ships and courses of thousand year past
explorers.
All the places to
see from space that were described in the Vinland
Sagas. Program your computer and Google
Earth® so as to "remember" points of interest and by all
means, use ID tacks as you go along. If you do this on intermittent
basis (recommended – this can be a long exercise) save accumulated
images so that you can return to your previous work. An inexpensive
flash drive is recommended, especially if working in libraries or away
from home. The exercise works best if Earth® is present and overlaid
with this page. Minimize/Maximize either page as needed. Target sites
will be introduced inside brackets [
THUS
] and [ 00°00’00.00”N,
00°00’00.00”W ],
then copy/paste into Earth “Fly to” box. Geodetic
coordinates, when present, take precedence. (I have found that it works
most satisfactorily in this manner: select destination on the web
page; control/C'opy', then minimize the page to expose the Earth screen;
place cursor at old "Fly to:" destination then click left
button three times to select the old destination; then control/V'iew'
which will replace the old one with the new; then Fly to. On Macs, if you set Earth screen for nearly full size, leave a small
section of this page and a small section of Earth to right, left, up or
down - preferably both - and then either partially obscured screen will
pop in and out easily. )
You will be directed to specific points of interest and advised to zoom
in and out to particular altitudes. Geodetic coordinates will often be
provided as sometimes we can place a ship or person within very
circumscribed tracts.
The coast of
Vinland
is commonly viewed
by historians as so mysteriously ethereal and distant in both time and
space that it has never yet been viewed with its realistic face. Yet,
from close readings of the Sagas, it becomes not overly difficult to
corroborate. If we can compare these many landfalls and descriptions
with tangible places together with their relationships, this advances our insights and acceptance of those
voyages of discovery immeasurably. If these landfalls really do occur
and can be compared with Saga descriptions, then we add assurance that we
are in the right track, that we can build a statistical argument for our
conundrum.
It should be
noted that the “
Vinland
” corpus of
literature is enormous and has been ongoing for centuries – ever since
1492 and evidence in Portuguese records indicates possibly even before.
Many are not aware that a predominant body of research directs scholars
towards
Southern New England
.
The first published academic work occurred in 1837 with the
appearance of “Antiquitates Americanae”
by the Danish scholar Charles C. Rafn who
had available to hand most of the Vinland
Sagas, then held in Copenhagen for security. The work was a
collaboration of the scholar of note with a number of prominent New England
historians. These
American contributors were, in fact, originators of a program to
determine, if they could, the answer to the many indicators, both
material (artifacts) and legendary, that their area was, in fact, the
Vinland
recorded in medieval
literature. In our next page, we will point
out the locations of the eight artifacts that Rafn
(NE historians, rather) became aware of and add a few more that have
been discovered since, unknown at the time of the study or possibly
suspect. But at the same time, Rafn also analyzed the landfalls and
landings in
Vinland
and the bulk of the
work on this page is better attributed to he and his
New
England
collaborators, rather than myself.
I had become dimly aware that this might be possible when I discovered
“Antiquitates Americanae”.
Indeed, I added but few landfalls that Rafn
had overlooked, an important one from the
Saga of Thorvald Ericksson.
The correlation of these factors assumes that Narragansett Bay, was the
true fjord remarked by Leif Ericksson in his
Saga and that the precise place where he had first set foot at his
settlement (“Leifsbudir”) is somewhere
within or adjacent to it. Rafn places it on
the East side of
Narragansett Bay
while my eventual
discovery sets it on the West side and not quite within. The discovery
of this place is of enormous import to history, for it redefines the
discovery of
America
, not by answering
the automatic query of who was first, but by defining the entire story
of the great discovery. From first to last it was an entirely Christian
and Catholic endeavor with the result that neither Leif Ericksson
nor Christopher Columbus loses stature or import – both were salient
actors in this most grandiose and durable drama of human migrations.
The exercise will
be in three sections (separate pages):
·
First, the general
approach and detail of the numerous landfalls defining
Vinland
– the district.
·
Second, the vicinity
of the site environs to locate the exact foot prints and
·
Third, identifying
varied artifacts discovered over centuries in the district.
·
(In time it may be
followed by identifications of those numerous place-names ending in that
probable Norse suffix, “---sett”,
See:< vinlandsite.com/linguaone
> and --two)
You will be
directed to certain points and expected to zoom in and out for detail.
Eventually we will be examining rather delimited areas of interest. For
these, geodetic coordinates will be called out and it takes some
patience to arrive at a location in tenths of a second of area. If you
can, and see the need, try to find a way to "creep" to the
points after getting close with your mouse. Use the “rulers” feature
liberally at all points.
A map - even road
maps of the area will be most helpful. If you wish to delve deeply into
the matter, nautical charts will contribute. It is also recommended that
the Vinland Sagas be firmly a part of your
insights. Print out those Sagas as can be found in other pages of this
web. Better yet, the same Sagas can be found handy to reference in "Rediscovering
Vinland
,
Evidence of Ancient Viking Presence in
America
"
by Fred N. Brown III, available at < www.iUniverse.com
> at a not unreasonable cost. You should have to hand and on screen, Google
Earth®, this page as overlay, maps and any reference books that you
think might be helpful. A flash-drive is most helpful as this page is
unlikely to be fully appreciated in one sitting. If you like history, if
you like tales of the sea, if you appreciate study of human migration, I
am sure you will appreciate this exercise.
For a general
overview, fly to [ L'Anse
aux Meadows,
Canada
] [Elev. 3200km.] Recall
that the overall narrative of Bjarni Herjolfsson
describes a
Greenland
bound course
northward of a two day passage, a three day passage, and a final four
day passage, most likely in those favorable conditions following
confused weather patterns which had plagued him for over 15 storm-bound
days at sea. We can compare these – roughly - with the distances from
Cape Cod
to Nova Scotia,
from Nova Scotia
to
Newfoundland, and from
Newfoundland
to
Greenland
. While it is not
probable that Bjarni Herjolfsson's entire trip was
made in these nine days, it seems likely that “coasting” navigation
was simply omitted as tedious. Yet, near the very end of the Vinland
Sagas comes the previously overlooked information transmitted by Freydis
Ericksdottir that her homeward voyage
spanned at least three months. In this view, there presents no
difficulty in viewing these ocean courses as reasonably valid
recordings. Nine days for Bjarni and three
months for Freydis can be reconciled by
problems of coastal and casual navigation whereby impatient Bjarni
Herjolfsson omitted coasting detail while Freydis
was in no particular hurry. Both return voyages of Thorvald
and Freydis imply a casual and unhurried
attitude. This very elevated view of global perspective presents some
difficulty in that, say, the East coast of
Newfoundland
appears as oriented
NE/SW, in fact, it lies truly in a N/S bearing.
Fly to [
MatapoisetT
,
MA
]
[Elev. 200km]for our starting
point. While Mattapoisett just happens to be an arbitrary central
target, straightway we approach a culminating discussion of
Vinland
.
For the name is of Narragansett Tribal language – miles to the West -
and appears to possibly have Norse linguistic roots. On the right should
appear entire
Cape Cod
[
Nauset
,
MA
];
on left the eastern end [
East
Hampton
,
NY
]
(district) of
Long Island
; near top, the
harbor of [
Boston
,
MA
].
Between
Eastern Long Island
and the coast lies
an irregular, elongated island. It is the contention of this study that
this island, large enough for agriculture by natives, proximate to a
mainland, unpopulated in 1000AD, is the island to the west of Leifsbudir
to which Leif's brother Thorvald sailed with
an "afterboat" for explorations. Leifsbudir,
therefore, must be some distance eastward from [
Fisher's
Island
, NY
] and likely not too far if it were discovered while sailing a
small craft of perhaps 20/22 feet long.
On the right,
north-pointing
Cape Cod
[
Nauset
,
MA
][
Elev. 80/90km], so readily
comparable with famed "Vinlandia Promuntorum"
that has attracted these many scholars towards New England in search of Leifsbudir.
(The well researched solar observation by someone who had visited Vinland
tells us that Leifsbudir lay somewhere
between the latitudes of 40 and 45 degrees N. and this is the
location of New England, the Southern coast being at the same latitude
as [ Oporto,
Portugal ],
[ Rome,
Italy ] and
[ Istanbul,
Turkey ].
Zoom out and you can check this, but be wary of the “global”
perspective – go to the places themselves and read out the latitudes.
Also to bear in mind is that salmon and halibut were present at Liefsbudir/Hop,
salmon never existing South of Long Island and famed grapes and
butternuts never existing North of Nova Scotia.)
On the right,
north-pointing
Cape Cod
,
so well documented as the “
North-pointing
Cape
” of the Sagas. (“Jutting”
in the Sagas. See: Denmark/Jutland.)
Leifsbudir must be to the west of it, since
there is nothing at all to its east. The offshore islands, from left to
right are:
Long Island
[
East
Hampton
,
NY
];
[ Fisher's
Island
. NY
]; [
Block
Island
,
RI
];
a southwestwardly oriented chain of small islands call
Elizabeth
Islands
(outermost is [
Cuttyhunk
Island
,
MA
]);
[
Nomans
land Island
,
MA
]
[ 41°14'55.17"N,
70°48'37.65"W ]; [ Marthas
Vineyard, MA
]; and then boomerang shaped [
Nantucket
,
MA
]
. All of these islands are important to us, so patient examination here
or later will benefit we aspiring
cosmonauts.
There are certain
things that you should know about this coastline and how it affects
navigation by seafarers. The whole area is a residual glacial moraine of
the ice age when a monstrous glacier is said to have been a full mile
high here before it retreated, leaving huge quantities of rocks and
boulders it had carried from northern areas. The Southern coastline is
slowly eroding and the land gradually subsiding some 18 inches from the
time of the Vinland Voyages (an apparent sea
level rise). The exposed coasts of the outer islands are rather high and
eroding sandy bluffs – Southern end of [
Block
Island
,
RI
] some
125 very steep feet high. This erosion has resulted in the loss of a few
lighthouses there which have toppled over since colonial times and has
altered the eastern end of
Long Island
to where that tip of
it which points towards
Block Island
has removed some
miles - how many is unknown - to the westward. A thousand years ago it
was closer to
Block Island
than it now appears.
The erosion - rather rapid in geological terms - is the result of heavy
rainfall and the effects of an eastward current which flows Eastward
along the coastline. This current is a sort of off-shoot of the Gulf
Stream which flows Northward some miles offshore but which has a
"drag" effect on waters nearer the coast and it is this subtle
effect that causes the erosion of the outer banks and movement of
enormous quantities of sand towards the East. Erosion inland of
the outer banks since AD1000 has been estimated at about 150 yards on
the island [
Nomans
Land Island
,
MA
] [ 41°14'55.17"N,
70°48'37.65"W ]
and possibly somewhat less at other points. It is also the creative
force that forms the entire northward sandy arm of
Cape Cod
. [
Nauset
,
MA
][ 41°14’53.57”N, 70°48’46.04”W ]
[Elev. 200km].
Now look at the
area – the “sound” - between the islands Marthas
Vinyard,
Nantucket
,
and the [
Barnstable
,
MA
]
arm (E/W) of
Cape Cod
. You will see
a murky greenish appearance of the area which at sea level looks like a
flat plane of water. The greenish glow represents sunlight reflection
from white sands and extremely shallow conditions of Nantucket Sound.
("Sound" definition is the area between an island and a
mainland, because a prudent seaman will always suspect reefs and shoals
there and take "soundings". See: Index page Bayeau
Tapestry detail for an example of Viking style seamen performing this task
). Indeed, all ferries and sailors in Nantucket Sound are ever
alert to these shallows with variable tide ranges of some three feet and
normally follow carefully marked channels. The Northern side of
Nantucket
is so shallow that
one can wade out over a mile, sometimes by only rolling ones pants legs
up. But it has not always been thus. Until
relatively recent times
Nantucket
harbor
had been considered a deep water port and a major harbor for whaling
vessels until 1850.
These ships were so large as to "draw" (depth
underwater) some 15/18 feet. No ship near that size can approach the
haven in these modern times.
A navigational
chart of 1717 shows depth in [
Nantucket
Sound
,
MA
]
but also numerous shallows marked as "dry" which might be
tidal sandbanks or perhaps even small, washed islands. The same chart
also shows the absence of a rather large island [
Monomoy
Island
,
MA
]
which is the long sand-spit extending South at the "elbow" of
Cape Cod
. What all this
means is that conditions have altered considerably in this area in the
thousand years from the arrival of Leif Erickson after his two day
offshore voyage from his forested "Markland" [
Nova
Scotia, Canada ].
Since Monomoy
Island did not exist at that time and because it happens that Nantucket
cannot be seen from mainland Cape Cod, Leif's courses must have been
Westward at that point and into (then) deeper water straits between Marthas
Vinyard and Nantucket - the same courses
that modern shallow draft vessels take (with care). From a course along
Nantucket Sound near [
Barnstable
,
MA
]
one can see neither
Nantucket
nor the narrow
strait between Marthas Vinyard
and the mainland – it appears to the eye as an impenetrable land mass
– a sort of cul-de-sac. This circumstance might then enforce a course
out to the south again and along the southern coast of [
Marthas
Vineyard, MA
]. (speculative, but likely – these
are the courses taken today by smaller coasting vessels. All proposed
activities and courses remarked on this page are purely theoretical.
Only the destinations can be conjectured as correlating to Saga
descriptions.)
Attention is
again drawn to the narrow straits of Marthas
Vinyard [
Vineyard
haven, MA ].
This strait is not wide (measure it with your Earth® ruler) and it does
have a peculiarity of having quite rapid currents. If your screen is
clear and you have good detail, you can readily see the effects of the
currents here in the streaked appearance of the scoured bottom. But at
sea level I can tell you from my own observation that these currents are
so powerful as to balk any sailboat and many powerboats as well. I have
seen such strong eddies as to actually lay down bell buoys designed to
remain upright to almost submerge them. No sailboat without auxiliary
power can pass this strait if the tidal current is against it. But
modern shipping overcomes the current with power while sailing craft
with a patient crew await a change of the tide. The alternating currents
are the result of shallow conditions inside Nantucket Sound combined
with deeper water offshore in that area identified as Buzzards Bay
[ Round Hill, MA ][
41°35’00.00”N, 70°44’00.00”W
] [Elev. 100km].
There are just a
few more notes to bring to your attention in the case that you are
unfamiliar with ship handling or nautical navigation. The best and most
exhilarating conditions for a sailboat are well offshore with a strong
and steady wind from the direction one wants to proceed. A Viking longship
might reach a speed of some 16 knots momentarily in ideal conditions,
but a trading ship like Leif's more likely to average
maybe 8 knots depending on wind conditions and other factors. A Viking longship
offshore might make 200 miles in a day – a speed never again attained
for centuries by other – heavier, deeper - designs until the advent of
American “Yankee” (and some British) “Clipper Ships”. Some
hazards of offshore navigation are, among others; broaching (the
ship turns sideways between waves); fog;
high winds; “drought”
(long periods of little rain to be recovered for drinking); combers
(“breaking” wave tops from astern – a particular hazard of double
ended craft) becalming (long periods of slack wind); opaque
conditions of day or night skies - and even if clear the hours between
10:00AM
and
2:00PM
(when the elevation and direction of the sun is indeterminate.)
A ship
"coasting" has other problems including visibility. This
requires a distance offshore depending on just what conditions prevail
and how curious a commander might be. If a ship “pilot” knows the
coast and is simply trying to reach port "B" from port
"A" the skipper will stay offshore maybe so far as to just
observe the shore and its headlands and sail as if in free sailing mode.
This is for speed. But if a commander is in unfamiliar waters he will be
alert to conditions of the "bottom" - observing from the
masthead for rocks and shoals, but at the same time close enough to
shore to be able to observe interesting parts of the shoreline. He will
be concerned and observant for possible small harbors, rivers, estuaries
of easy approach that he may have need when darkness overcomes. Before
the sun goes down he must either enter some sheltered haven or sail
offshore to avoid hazards and "surprises" which are much more
likely inshore than out. Depending on conditions, this distance might be
so close as a few hundred yards or maybe so far as two or three miles.
The "pilot" will be observant especially to conditions of
beaches observed, for while we look at them as pleasant bathing spots,
the seaman knows that, since currents move sand into a
"strand", those same currents can draw a ship without wind or
power into the same locality for an eventual grounding. As a ship
proceeds coastwise and a headland appears ahead, the pilot may - or more
probably will - favor steering the ship well outboard of the headland or
peninsula. Near shore, dangerous hazards are these same beaches (if wind
dies), reefs (submerged or wave washed rocks) and shoals (shallows) and
onshore winds. Viking ships could sail some two “points”
(twenty-two degrees, more or less) into the wind and, of course, did
enjoy a modicum of auxiliary power in their oars and numbers of oarsmen,
but these ships would be difficult to row at speeds greater than perhaps
five miles per hour - and only for short periods at that. The prudent
skipper and masthead lookout will remain wide awake and nervously alert
when sailing near land. “Coasting” is most always slow,
unpredictable and problematical. The distance from [
Monomoy
,
MA
]
area to [
Narragansett
Bay
,
RI
]
is some 90 miles by practical courses. In most favorable conditions it
could be traversed in not much more than one day. But in less favorable
conditions, exploring or in “close-in” mode, could well consume
weeks.
In times of yore
when distance (“blue-water”) sailing was yet young, seafarers
favored landings on islands rather than main-lands, and this for two
reasons. When landing on any strange mainland, one never knew just who
and how many were awaiting - nor how great a
possible hostile reaction from what might be an overwhelming population.
Islands seldom have significant populations, nor
the ability to marshal a defense force against a ship crew in martial
order. The other reason is more nautical. An island is a favored landing
because there are occasional periods when wind conditions on a mainland
coast might preclude a departure for months, whereas an island can
usually be departed at near anytime even if possibly in the wrong
direction.
Lief's
ship is known to have been a trading vessel, a bit blunter and deeper
than the famed long-ships so well known. It might have been some 75 feet
long - probably shorter - and required possibly some 4 feet of water
under the keel to keep afloat if fully laden. It could be rowed but was
primarily a sailboat. It may have had perhaps three to six oar-ports on
each side which could accommodate - if six ports were used - twenty four
oarsmen at a time, or if pressed - thirty. Rowing is often problematical
at sea because of wave action. If a “rogue” wave catches an oar at
the right time it can easily break oarsmen’s ribs, disturb the rhythm
of other oarsmen’s stroke, and create all sorts of mayhem on the boat.
These ships were nothing if not versatile. More diverse in demand than
modern vessels, they were strangers to no waterway that they could
enter; creeks, rivers, bays, windless fjords, coastal conditions and
free running “blue water” service – at home and effective in all
ways. Even its peculiar rudder, so strange to our eyes, was superior
when forward motion was slowed by currents or slack wind. As manned by a
crew engaged in trade the crew might number perhaps eight to twelve men
and might include or add passengers. Leif's crew, mustered for
exploration and in martial order (read the Sagas), numbered thirty
five.
]]]]]]]
A
short biographical note on my qualifications as to my "rights"
to speak on these matters. I grew upon the shores of
Narragansett
Bay
,
near water-logged by dwelling alongside, in, on, and under that great
salt water estuary for all my formative years. As with Vikings, this
salt water life and its unique and invigorating environment entered my
blood stream. Adventurous youthful ventures included a small rowing boat
expedition – alone (well, with dog) - extending 26 miles and many
hours handling small craft and an 18 foot sailing canoe. These
experiences yielded immense insights to the act of rowing and
maneuvering of a craft – the canoe - with characteristics quite
similar to Viking long-ships. In my adult life I reconstructed a 38 foot
Nova Scotia built fishing boat and lived aboard it for seven delightful
years, surviving unharmed no fewer than five hurricanes afloat. There
are doubtless many more experienced on the water – especially
"blue water" sailing - but I do claim that I learned -
absorbed - enough to be familiar with all conditions of salt water, its
beat, its bays and bottoms.
For
several years I "ran" the mid-reaches of the
Connecticut
River
above Hartford
in
high and low water with a flat bottom power boat. Experience on rivers
is not comparable to salt water, but does have many charms, unique and
most enjoyable – often with brief hail and farewell of fishers and
picnickers along the banks. "Running" rivers, knowing bottom and channel is
critical. FNB
]]]]]]]
Detailing these
numerous landings and landfalls on this page has not been restricted to
simple scholarship, nor even perusal of maps and charts. In almost all
cases, especially those of importance, my research includes real life
on-the-spot approaches by boat from the sea to each – duplicating as
best I could perspectives of exploring seamen.
Narragansett Bay
I knew, but the
many periods of investigations of these many enumerated sites required
my own perspective as to feasibility, nautical approach and comparisons.
While we are at
altitude we might address the significant and first plainly explicit
course mentioned in Leif Ericksson' Saga.
From an island they sailed "--
North to a fjord, across that sound that lay between the island and that
cape that jutted from the land Northward".
This geographical situation, an island near the outlet of a fjord, is
rather rare because of tidal currents, but does occur here in
relationship of
Block Island
and
Narragansett Bay
. It should be
obvious as well that
Narragansett
“
Bay
”
is a misnomer. It
looks like and truly is a fjord, which is a deep penetration of the sea
into mountainous terrain. Here the terrain has been somewhat eroded and,
while
Rhode Island
is not noted for
great heights, it is not really low and at no place flat. Especially
this inner coastline Westward is noted for height, even mountainous
through which rivers cleave to the sea. (See, if possible: topographic
conditions of fjord-like [
Thames
River
,
CT
]
which has high and steep banks along its entire length.) This
relationship of
Block Island
and
Narragansett Bay
became the focus of
my explorations. From a general overlook of the coast I then sought the
more detailed river mouth that had been landed by Leif Ericksson
some thousand years before me.
[
Point
Judith
,
RI
][Elev.
70km] So the course apparently describes a direction from
Block Island
towards
Narragansett Bay
. Leif must have
approached
Block Island
from the East and
then, seeing an island in the distance to his port-side (larboard, or
left) offshore, made for it as an ideal landing spot. He could well have
been diverted offshore by the presence of dangerous hazards called Brenton
Reef [
Brenton
Point State
Park
,
RI
][Elev.4km]
or [
SakonNet
Point
,
RI
][Elev.
7km] both of which are headlands with extending reefs offshore. At
this point he would have become aware of the possibility of a fjord
existing to his right (starboard) side. (A wide waterway on a coast can
be differentiated between a river, bay or fjord by observation of
currents, those of a fjord being tidal - if in further doubt by the
simple expedient of tasting. A river will have at least a less salty
taste and might also have quantities of flotsam such as fallen trees.)
But this particular huge estuary, as with many, has rather strong tidal
currents (
Norway
has such conditions
off its coast and many fjords that a word “maelstrom”
is applied to them.).
Narragansett Bay
’s tidal range is listed as four feet and at Full Moon
or "Spring" tides considerably more extreme. Huge quantities
of water flow in and out twice daily and these currents contribute to
the shape and placement of
Block Island
. A sailboat can “buck” this flow but modern
navigators often time their sailings to account for as much as an hour's
difference in arrival times at a mere 12 mile distance from the coast. I
should mention here also that
Block Island
, despite its apparent proximity to the coast, is
actually an “offshore” island, and from it only one single sight of
land appears. This is the top of a hill that bears a few miles North of
[ Point
Judith, RI ],
which is the small "spur" of land projecting South from the
West side of the Bay. The result of this is that a navigator, especially
a navigator unfamiliar with these waters, finds this sign of land the
only possible attraction for a productive course. I am convinced that
this hill, [
McSparran
Hill
,
RI
] was a benchmark for both Leif Ericksson in
1000AD and, even more certainly, by one Giovanni Verrazano
in 1524.
We will analyze
this coast in the same order that the Sagas describe it.
Vinlandia
Promontorum,
[
Nauset
,
MA
][Elev.
80km.] I am not convinced was mentioned by Leif Ericksson
himself but it does occur early in the Sagas and this would be a natural
thing because it is difficult to miss as a peninsula, especially when
approached from the North. If a ship should err towards the West, then
it must navigate Eastward and about where it would soon be discovered
that the two sides were not far from each other – most obviously a
peninsula (“—ness” in Old Norse language). It may be that the North
Pointing Cape mentioned in Leif’s final approach towards his fjord
is Cape Cod/Vinlandia Promuntorum.
It seems likely and fits into the rather confusing phraseology of the
described final course.
These few local
clues have been intriguing to many historians over the centuries and are
far too few to locate a specific river and landing as described by Leif Ericksson.
But we have many more contributions resulting from following Norse
visitors (over 200) to Leifsbudir which fill
in many gaps. The most interesting, yet mostly overlooked, is the
following trip made by Leif's brother Thorvald.
Many ignore this episode because Thorvald's
Saga says nothing at all - or at least very little - about his travels toward
Leifsbudir. His chronicle says only that his
ship arrived at Leifsbudir without any
remarkable problems. He then explored Westward in an "afterboat"
and discovered an island with some sort of storage shelter for grain (“barn”,
“corncrib”) but no men and no seeming residence of them. The island,
therefore, must be large enough for limited cultivation and not so far
offshore as to preclude periodic visits from where a native population
resided. It cannot be at so far distant from Leifsbudir
because of the limited size of an "afterboat".
So, again, we are attracted to [
Fisher's
Island, NY ]
which seems to be in the wrong state as its more proximate neighbors are
Rhode Island
and
Connecticut
.
It lies at about the border of the two latter states which is defined by
a not over-large river named
Pawcatuk
River
[
Westerly
,
RI
][Elev. 35km]. We gain
in inference that almost certainly
Narragansett Bay
is a prime target
for locating Leifsbudir.
Now the plot
thickens, as they say in mystery stories. Whether Thorvald
had been at Leifsbudir for one year or two
years (my own opinion is two), he departed homeward toward the East
(quite explicitly remarked in his Saga) and detailed so much that it now
becomes possible to envision and define the coast of
Vinland
. As with a sailing skipper, who periodically scans
rearward for insight at to how straight his course by observing his
wake, we also have the opportunity to survey Thorvald's
homeward trek for information.
The departure
course from Leifsbudir was Eastward
and this direction is specifically stated. We now can imagine that the
coastline of
Vinland
lies East to West
because of Thorvald's courses and that it
faces south because of Leif's course to a fjord. A fjord must be upon a
mainland or a substantial landmass, so the island to the south indicates
that the landmass upon which the fjord existed must have been to the
North and therefore opened towards the South.
Now we will be
more active with our satellite view of
Vinland
.
Thorvald has set out from Leifsbudir
and comes upon a strand whereupon five natives are found asleep under
three canoes and who are slain. Here we can "bootstrap" a bit
and make reasonable assumptions on how and why the natives came to be
asleep upon a strand in early Spring, which
is the season that Thorvald was said to have
departed toward home. The natives must have been a distance from their
home because of the presence and descriptions of their food supply which
coincides with what we know as pemmican - Indian storage or traveling
food. It is true that perhaps they could have traveled along the coast,
but canoes are fragile and not good sea-craft, so are subject to
destruction in surf. It is more than likely that they traveled down from
inland some river or stream or perhaps crossed some sort of estuary to
reach an ocean-facing beach. Their unkempt appearance (“—outlaws”)
supports the timing of this unfortunate encounter, for early Spring
was a difficult time for Indians when their food storage was depleted
and new growth not yet available (Indian: “hunger moon”). Almost
certainly, they were following Indian custom of camping near an estuary
in hopes of exploiting early Spring fishing
runs. We also must consider the difficulties that Thorvald
had to consider when he decided to land and investigate these three
upturned canoes. It had to be an "easy" landing - that the
beach was accessible and possibly that it had some place of shelter to
avoid surf. (A Viking ship – indeed, any sizeable craft larger than a
rowboat - would never be landed in active surf. If the surf were low and
the sea calm, it might
be imprudently attempted but a sheltered place is best to be found
if possible.) Fly towards [
Acoaxet
,
MA
]
[ 41°30’28.23”N,
71°05’33.76”W ]
and [ 41°30’44.40”N,
71°05’19.62”W ]
(Either/or - take your pick.) Use your own judgment on zooming in and
out for best view. This place by sea is only a short distance from
Narragansett Bay
(same day as
departure from [ Narragansett, RI
]), yet fills all the requirements of a possible landing site for
both seafaring Vikings and traveling Indians. I would consider, myself,
that perhaps the ship was navigated into that breach in the strand and
landed, after which the native canoes approached in one direction or the
other. Here we have the option to imagine a very narrow perspective of
where a Viking trading ship had landed in the long, long ago. (All
courses described here-in we hope to aver are all speculative. The
destinations, however, we claim as near certain.)
The Sagas tell us
that Leif and Thorvald had disputed Leif's
activities and that Thorvald had severely
criticized Leif's neglect of exploring. Yet, the Sagas are also explicit
that Leif had not only explored, his manner of dividing his crew
specifically for exploration indicates that his interests were
land-bound, discovering all he could about the environs of Leifsbudir.
(Where early discovery of grapes were made in such quantities that "—they
filled the afterboat with them.”)
Recall that when Leif allowed Thorvald to
borrow his ship, he stated that Thorvald
would then be “-- able to explore
Vinland
to
his heart's content”.
These statements yield insights pretty clearly what Thorvald
was about. Leifsbudir had been explored,
therefore Thorvald's interest would be
exploring seaward and along the coastline. It seems more than probable
that his courses would now tend inshore where he could observe all,
especially considering his oft reiterated statement of interest in
locating and establishing a settlement of his own.
This concept
would entice him to enter and navigate alongshore Buzzard’s Bay[
Buzzard’s
Bay, MA ],
which also happens to be a sort of fjord, but not so obvious a one. This
would bring him eventually to the
Elizabeth
Islands
[
Woods
Hole, MA ]
and [
Cuttyhunk
Island
,
MA
][Elev.50km],
upon one of which he possibly landed and found numerous seabirds
nesting. (A most natural observation. Sea
bird's nesting preference is for isolated islands unvisited by
predators. Almost always, these nesting places are pretty crowded and
rowdy places. Nesting close together is not a rare occurrence by any
means and yet another indication of a Spring
time line.)
He would, in this
area, encounter the strong currents so obvious in [
Marthas
Vinyard Straits
,
MA
]
but these are accommodated by the simple act of waiting them out, since
they are tidal and alternate direction. They would not present any sort
of barrier to the explorer seaman. In entering this strait Thorvald
would become aware that Martha's Vinyard was
an island, something not so obvious from the other direction inside [
Nantucket
Sound
,
MA
]
which both he and his brother Leif had traversed. The strait appears
wide enough, but, in fact, it is most difficult to determine that there
is a passage there from the opposite direction. So, from the Westward
direction he must have coasted close to shore, passing now famed Kennedy
Estate [ Hyannis, MA
], with small islands (now disappeared) offshore and
entered waters – “coasting”
all the way - to the area of
Nauset (the “elbow” area of Cape
Cod) [ Monomoy
Island, MA ][Elev.30km].
As noted above, [
Monomoy
Island
,
MA
],
the long sand-spit Southward, apparently did not exist a thousand years
ago. On a 1717 nautical chart the ends of a long “washed” sandbar
were identified simply as "dry" which means they likely were
exposed at low tide. Somewhere, just North of
this now altered area (maybe at the “humerus”
area of the elbow?)Thorvald had his accident
either from storm or neglect and grounded the ship, which shattered the
keel. Just where this happened is hard to discover or envision – very
likely at some place now inland - but it is vitally important to us as
it "marries" Thorvald's Saga to
the following one of Karlsefni. Fortunately
we do not need the precise locale, but it must have been near some
sheltered inlet as they spent some two months in repair of the ship.
Even more important is the reminder that the broken keel was set upright
in the sand in the form of a cross and this cross must have been the
very one observed by the subsequent arrival of Karlsefni's
expedition a few years later. It boggles the imagination to opine that
there could be two keels of ships upon this distant shore in that era.
This one spot must have been observable by lookouts traveling from two
directions.
After the repair
and setting off again they rounded a cape and turned inland and this
apparently was Cape Cod where, once around and, still exploring, “coasted”
the same shores followed six centuries later in 1620 by the Plymouth
Pilgrims to the harbor of [ Plymouth,
MA ]. Just
for reference, fly to [
Barnstable
Harbor
,
MA
][Elev.20km]
for an insight of a harbor not favorable to enter. This is no more
likely to have been a haven for Thorvald
than it was to the exploring
Plymouth
colonists centuries
later. The peculiarities of these two estuaries should be obvious. Thorvald
called “Crossannes”
(
Plymouth
) a fjord - or a
double fjord - and it appears to be a fjord on approach along the coast
from the South. It has quite high lands about the Southern and interior
perimeter. The city of
Plymouth
itself is built on a
moderately steep hill.
You will notice
that
Plymouth
Harbor
appears quite
shallow and this is the reason it never became a major port. Charts
state that it has exposed flats at low tide, but rather than expected
mud, the bottom is white sand. Fourteen foot tides are the norm in this
estuary. It aids us immeasurably here as we can trace more or less
positively where a ship with a four foot draft would navigate. Thorvald's
landing was described in a peculiar manner, common today but unusual in
that era and culture. Viking Seamen, suffering unreliable cordage,
distrusted anchors and normally beached their ships. Here, they
chronicle that the ship was drawn alongside a steep bank on either an
island or a headland and the crew went ashore by way of a gangplank. So,
if we can trace a place where a channel nears a steep bank, we might
assume we are looking at a place where the Viking Thorvald
Ericksson had stepped ashore over a thousand
years ago - and from the very same ship that had made the first of
European landings in the
New World
. The actions of the party are well narrated, complete
with a wild battle, but initially they say they climbed what seems to
have been a sizeable and steep hill for an observation place at the top.
On their descent they describe a meadow where they removed their armor,
became lethargic and fall asleep. This meadow indicates that the hill
was a large one. Can we find such a place? Indeed we can and it lies
along the west side of the headland called
Standish
Shores
[
Plymouth
Harbor
,
MA
]
[ 42°00'40.39"N, 70°40'43.94"W
] a headland with a narrow isthmus extending Southward from the Northern
side of the estuary. It is so intriguing to locate and stand upon an
apparently valid site that I have visited the place numerous times and
followed the path of ancient Norsemen to the top of the hill and down to
the landing with ease – well, a bit breathless. It is even possible to
locate the Indian village from where the war party had resided and
responded to the Viking attack upon nine of their fellows which resulted
in eight Indian deaths and one escapee who had then mustered the
counterattack. In modern times this village had become a noted
archeological site which, unfortunately, scholars had tried to keep
secret. The result was that some years ago an owner of the property,
unaware of its importance, bulldozed the entire site with the loss of
knowledge to all, but its known locality compares with Saga descriptions
as to distance and direction.
However,
something in Thorvald's Saga yields such
important information that it completes the puzzle and binds the
combination of landfalls to a near certainty that Leifsbudir
is discovered. While the party of armed men is at the top of the hill
Standish
Shores
,[ Plymouth Harbor,
MA ][
42°00'40.39N, 70°40'43.94W ] they make observations, conclude and exactly record
that it seems to them that the terrain to their West is the same terrain
as they had seen at Leifsbudir. This is
actually the case, although the distance is actually some 37 miles. It
is not so apparent as to knock your hat off but in geographic reality it
actually is true that the watershed on the West side of the city of [
Plymouth
,
MA
]
is not into the nearby harbor as it would seem, but to the West. Rain
water falling on the West side of the city flows in the direction of and
eventually enters
Narragansett Bay
. The Saga remark
states "mountain range" but we must allow for what they felt
were mountains. The discernment is vitally important when we trace what
we know from prior movements of the ship. They have
traveled Eastward for some distance, rounded a cape, and traveled
another distance Westward to where they then stood. At sea,
especially coasting, it is difficult to estimate distances, especially
with a sailboat which is subject to all sorts of outside influences such
as currents and wind variables.
But here they are
relating two separate landfalls by both direction and distance and this
fact has enormous implications for us to examine. It does not matter if
they actually are in that relationship, they believe
that they are, and this belief is proof positive that they could not
have been out of sight of land the whole time, nor crossed any body of
water that would interrupt the conclusion that certainly they stood upon
the same landmass as where the settlement of Leifsbudir
existed. Leif’s encampment, therefore, must have been West of Plymouth
Harbor and not at such an unreasonable distance as to be improbable.
This points us to the high ground near Pettaquamscutt
which is about 450 feet high, called [
McSparran
Hill
,
RI
].
We call it a hill but it feels like a small mountain to anyone who has
climbed it as I have several times. It also happens to be about the same
height as [
Mount Hope
,
RI
][Elev.
12km] on the East side
of the bay near [
Bristol
,
RI
]
which few dispute as a minor mountain itself. This episode
"locks", at least in the literature, the coast of
Southern New England
correlating the
coast of
Vinland
to a very close comparison. Where the keel was broken
and set upright must then have been somewhere along the path of the ship
from Leifsbudir to Crossannes.
Crossannes is the entry point to
Vinland
– everything
subsequently remarked must be to the South of it – “beyond” on the
track from
Greenland
.
As we know, Thorvald
did not survive the encounter with natives that occurred when the party
returned to the ship. Somewhere upon the same headland he was buried
with crosses at his head and his feet and for this reason, his surviving
crew and the Saga spokesmen at
Greenland
referred to this
estuary as "Crossannes" - headland
(peninsula) of Crosses. This peninsula must refer to the prominent
headland of
Standish
Shores
,
named for famed 1620 colonist Miles Standish. There is a towering and
impressive monument there now in his honor, from which a visitor can
view the entire horizon, exactly as Thorvald
Ericksson had.)
We will come back
to
Plymouth
later in a later “artifact”
page, for this burial might have great significance to us. It was, as it
was said, well marked by two crosses. And we might suppose that “Princeling”
Thorvald must have been buried in Viking
manner with arms and possessions - a not unreasonable assumption. We
also might suppose that this grave was of interest to natives who
discovered it - perhaps by observing the burial ceremony from afar - and
inviting exhumation by them. It happens that at some time in the past a
colonial family named Howland, original 1620 Plymouth settlers,
maintained their homestead across the water from the burial site (Rocky
Nook, MA)[
41°59'21.47"N, 70°42'05.40"W ] and at some
time relatively recently, when the homestead was removed to the museum
at Plymouth, an artifact was listed in the family possessions as, "A Viking ax, over 200 years old". It may still exist but
its location is uncertain. I have seen photographs of it (William Godwin
collection) and it does seem to have Viking runes upon it, but, of
course, while its scientific provenance is nil, it still is quite
intriguing. After Thorvald's burial, the
surviving 29 members of the crew either departed directly for home in
Greenland
or, just as likely,
returned to Leifsbudir for another year's
stay there. This is unclear in the Sagas, but this episode surely ranks
in history as a great drama of seafaring and, surprisingly, fairly well
recorded.
Our next Saga is
that of Thorfinn Karlseffni
and spouse Gudrid. Many Vinland
scholars in the past
have been of the opinion that this large party of pioneers in three or
more ships, whose intention to settle Leifsbudir
in Vinland, became
balked by loss of direction and hostility of natives. Rather early in my
investigations I became convinced that loss of direction did not occur
and the idea was simply from some misconception of readings of the
Sagas. As I investigated this further, I found that I could not really
define a concept within the Sagas themselves of where and why Karlsefni
is thought to have veered from his explicit intent to borrow Leif's
houses in
Vinland
and gone somewhere
else instead. I think the idea came from the clear statement that this
expedition of three ships and as many as 168 persons departed
Greenland
towards the North.
From this it is presumed by many that the small fleet then traversed the
Greenland Sea
to
Labrador
for a shorter sea
passage. Yet, the direction of
Vinland
was well known to have been Southwest and the passage
to
Newfoundland
a straightforward
four day trip. It seems probable that what occurred is that, since
Greenland
had been discovered
and settled less than thirty years prior, the population was sparse and
that the voyage North was for the purpose
recruiting the sizeable number of settlers from the vastnesses of
Greenland
. At any rate, I
opined and published so early as 1983 this concept that Leif Ericksson's
Leifsbudir and Karlsefni's
Hop were, in fact, one and the same place, a concept apparently original
to this program. It now seems accepted by at least some other
Vinland
researchers. The
result of this pursuit was a re-combination of clues that discovered
both Leifsbudir and
Vinland
. Certainly the
reference to the common landfall of Keelness
suggests the possibility.
Karlefni’s
expedition departed
Greenland
and made way stop at
an island they named
Bear
Island
. Since this might
have been remote from
Vinland
and because it was
so early a remark, we might omit it from our list of
Vinland
landfalls. The
pioneers proceeded upon the same track as the previous three expeditions
and then commenced detailing these landfalls. The first was an
observation that the shoreline consisted of so much white sand of such
long extent, that they named the area "Wunderstrands"
or "Furdirstrands" which means
"marvelous" or "far-along" beaches and this must
refer to Cape Cod, which, as we know, is made of current washed sands. [
Nauset
,
MA
][Elev.150km].
The entire area of
Cape Cod
consists of white
sands and we need not believe it the outer cape alone, for we can see
this condition from aloft where
Plymouth
Harbor
and Nantucket Sound
all reflect sunlight to our space ship denoting the composition of beach
and bottom. It is, in fact, a major geological condition duplicated at
few other places on earth - Wunderstrands
indeed. This is evident in the shoals of Nantucket Sound, the harbor
bottom of
Plymouth
,
and the entire outer shores of the outlying offshore islands, including
Block Island
.
Narragansett Bay
bottom, however, is
black mud noted for good anchor “holding ground”.
And now a most
remarkable thing occurs. They describe a landfall they name, or
recall, as Keelness and in some
versions of the Sagas it is said that a small boat was put ashore to
investigate what they felt was a keel of a ship. We have already located
this place as in the vicinity of [
Monomoy
Island, MA ]
and it would be remarkable indeed if this object were anything other
than that keel which had been broken in Thorvald's
shipwreck only two or three years before. It seems, to my way of
thinking, of Thorvald’s motivation that
his purpose of erecting it in the form of a cross was precisely that it
be seen by a following coasting vessel – therefore the very first of
recorded navigational markers in
America
. It also implies an
increasing interest among the Vikings of Greenland and
Iceland
that new and
fruitful lands were available for settlement.
What this means
is that this third expedition certainly has arrived at the general
locality of
Vinland
- they are on the
coast of
Vinland
itself and “beyond”
Crossannes. These people were not strangers
to those traveling before them. They had been in direct communication
with Leif himself, as well as the crew and pilot of his ship that had
now been upon the coast of
Vinland
three times. They
had all heard much of prolific lands way down south near the latitude of
their new religious center of
Rome
. It is almost
certain that some of the sailors, perhaps the pilots and ships
themselves, were the same as had traversed earlier. We know that at this
time Leif Ericksson's ship had been here
thrice and had left its original keel, hewn in
Europe
where the ship had
been built, at Keelness, in
America
.
They surely were aware of who had left this keel where it could be
discovered by following seamen. They would have a general idea of just
where they were and how to travel to their destination. We can assume
that we have delineated the coast of
Vinland
from this point
forward. In fact, we are now enabled to apply some of our knowledge of
navigation and conditions. Karlsefni knew
something that Leif had not, that a course Southward
to the outer coast of
Marthas
Vineyard
was not necessary
and that in the looming distance along this West bearing coast was a
strait for a shorter trip to Leifsbudir.
(Speculative)
But apparently,
when they did reach this strait [
Vineyard
Haven, MA ][Elev.
30km], they found that they were balked by the extremely strong
currents and, possibly while awaiting a turn of the tide, made for the
land (they knew or suspected to be an island) to their south. If they
did not immediately know that this was an island, they soon found it by
reason of sending speedy runners South who explored it for three days.
This information pretty much establishes coincidental size of both Marthas
Vineyard and “Straumney”. Karlsefni
named this island "Straumney", which name
translates to "
Stream
Island
", specifically because of strong
currents around it. So "beyond" Keelness
lies this island of three days explorations that was related to strong
sea currents, a nearby fjord, and grew wild grapes and self sown wheat.
Marthas
Vinyard
Island
fits this
description perfectly. Scan to [
Vinyard Haven, MA
][Elev.
4km] where any person familiar with small craft can identify
landings possible within an area of only fifty yards or so. In close up
of the strait nearby, one can readily observe the scouring of the bottom
which these strong currents produce. A further confirmation can be
deduced here or at an alternative possible landing site at [
Oak
Bluffs, MA
][Elev.
6km], nearby. We know of the tale of Thorhall
the Hunter who was lost for three days on Straumney
and, when discovered, was lying - ill - supine and in agony upon a
"cliff". Indeed, this provides with two clues, the second
being the symptoms of a malady of
New England
called "Poison
Ivy". This results from contact with a particular plant which
always has been a component of the flora of Marthas
Vinyard (--indeed, all of
New England
).
One would not normally expect to locate "cliffs" upon sandy Marthas
Vineyard but it happens that the same 1717 nautical chart identifies
many factors of the terrain near both Vineyard Haven and Oak Bluffs as
"cliffs". They are not rocky cliffs as we might at first
imagine, but high and steep sand bluffs as in Oak "Bluffs".
So Captain Cyprian Southack, the
cartographer of the 1717 chart has contributed – very much - to our
study of
Vinland
. C.C. Rafn
identifies
Buzzards Bay
[
Round
Hill
,
MA
][Elev.
60km] as “Straumfjord” of the Sagas.
There is nothing at all unreasonable that in the period of time –
perhaps a full year - when the party resided upon Straumney
some traffic occurred between the island and the fjord for mainland
explorations.
These ten
landfalls are the most important and what I prefer to limit for this
discussion. But now that you have available this cosmonaut’s view, I
do not hesitate to list others of lesser importance and where their
locations are still mysterious. You might be able to locate them
yourselves.
Bjarni
Herjolfsson described his first sighting of
Vinland
as "—low,
with (sand) dunes, and wooded", and so it is, if this were
Cape Cod
outer arm.
There exist vague
remarks in the Sagas that the coastline between either Keelness
or Straumney to Leifsbudir
was configured with an aspect of a rocky and wooded coastline. As well, Thorvald
described his exploration west toward
Barn
Island
similarly with the
added proviso that the forest approached closely to the shoreline. This
happens to coincide with the reality and might add two items to our list
even if not to precise sites.
Sweetwater
Island
(
Block Island
) was said in some
versions of the Sagas to have had land to it’s
south, sometimes even described as "mainland". Of course, this
puts rather a crimp in the argument as there is no land whatsoever south
of Block until you reach
Haiti
. It seems that any
good argument has as its corollary some great problem, and this is one
example which became a matter of considerable apprehension to me. All I
can state here is that perhaps it is one of those statements in the
Sagas that are in error or misperception, but that an argument can be
made for a certain "awry" perspective, so common a fault in
human experience. I can both argue and demonstrate an answer to this, if
one should be insistent that a land must be found there. But in order to
do this, I and my protagonist must be located at a certain place –
that site at Pettquamscutt I claim as the
site of Leifsbudir. It has to do with
[
East
Hampton
,
NY
] which is
really WSW of Block Island. It is so low-lying as to be invisible from
there now, but a millennium ago was nearer to the island. I have taken
the trouble of interviewing ship captains and pilots of fishing vessels
based in nearby [ Jerusalem,
RI ][ Galilee, Washington, RI
] [Elev. 90km] on this perspective –
the perspective of those who navigate by such intimate and practical
experience that contributes to instinct – pretty much the way Viking
seafarers did. Nearly all answered my queries with the stated idea that
Hampton
,
Long Island
was S or SSW of
Block Island. It isn’t, as so obvious on the charts, but the
perspectives on the ground are something else. These seamen were not
describing what they saw on a chart, but what they inferred from their
experiences “on the ground”.
]]]]]]
Seaman’s
- and many other outdoorsmen's - instincts are quite real in my opinion. I have
seen boatmen travel to exact destinations in the blackest of nights and
densest of fogs without any sightings whatsoever. I do not have that
skill myself, but have had experiences of my own instincts that were so
powerful as to overrule on one occasion a modern, up-to-date chart that
near led me to shipwreck. My chart had guided me – at night - to a
bearing on a single headland from an offshore island which should have
led me true. But as I approached this headland, I was consumed by
tenacious apprehensions that something was not quite right. I had to
make a turn anyway, but this unease caused me to make the turn much
sooner, at which I discovered in the nick of time that there was not one
headland as the chart indicated, but two. Had I continued the course, my
good ship "Bonnet" would have struck and ended her life just
there. I cannot explain where this overwhelming impulse to an early turn
originated. Perspectives and experiences at sea are often not what one
might suppose. There are all sorts of visual "tricks",
misperceptions and mirages to confuse a Pilot. Afloat, it pays well to
be suspicious of just about everything, including ones own senses.
FNB
]]]]]]
Without going
into further detail, we can proceed with our search for Leifsbudir
by assuming that Marthas Vinyard
was the "Straumney"
of the Vinland Sagas and that for a number
of reasons Leifsbudir must lie further to
the West.
Fly to [
Point
Judith
,
RI
]
[ Elev. 55m] for an overview and an apparent correlation of
Leif's remark of an “off” North bearing course toward a fjord. If
the
Island
were
Block Island
and the fjord were
Narragansett Bay
(this should be
apparent in this view), then somewhere inside
Narragansett Bay
or nearby must be Leifsbudir
We start with
Block Island
[
BLOCK
ISLAND
,
RI
][Elev. 17km]which compares
with the island landed first by Leif Ericksson,
which yields several important clues of its own besides its coincidental
placement near a fjord. The only activity remarked is that the party "--put
their hands down there in the grass and placed their fingers to their
lips and thought that they had never tasted anything so sweet".
This “sweet” reference is a subject of controversy among
Vinland
scholars and some
opine that it might have been a substance called "honeydew",
which is an edible and sweet tasting insect secretion. However, in my
opinion, it is far more likely that it represents remark of a spring -
an especially pure and wholesome spring. This is a matter of perpetual
interest to seamen whose water supply afloat tends to the unpalatable
over time. As well, smaller springs, especially if detectable from
distance, tend to encourage the growth of grass in their vicinity and
this becomes a factor in locating them afield.
The grass tends to be higher and greener adjacent to the water supply.
If this truly were a spring, then it indicates that the island was large
enough to possess a subterranean water table and also tells us something
of its geology. Some Sagas say that while the Vikings were on this
island a severe NE storm occurred and that subsequent to this, which
usually terminates in a period of beautiful clear skies, they set off in
a near – but not direct - Northerly direction. As it happens,
Block Island
does have such
springs and became noted for them as both pure in taste and therapeutic
in effect.
A few remarks on
a departure from
Block Island
are in order at this
point. Leif’s anchorage should be apparent to watermen and confirmed
by modern traffic into the two small harbors available there. As
mentioned above, the only sight of land from
Block Island
happens to be the
heights North of [
Pettaquamscutt Rock, RI
] called
[
McSparran
Hill
,
RI
][Elev. 22km]. This is a prime – actually absolute - invitation to
any seaman near
Block Island
who is unfamiliar
with the area. Aiming toward the only land in sight, a ship approaches
Narraganset
"
Bay
"
,
the emerging coastline gradually materializes spanning East to West
(L/R) and of low aspect more or less without distinctive features. The
ship bearing towards McSparran Hill is drawn
towards what appears as a wide and open sea-lane now identified as
Narragansett Bay
's "West Passage". The central and East
Passages cannot be detected at any time as they merge, visually, into
the general terrain. They
are, as with [ Marthas Vineyard, MA ] Straits, invisible to
approaching seamen until actual entry is made, but as they display no
"invitation", they tempt no approach. So wide does this West
Passage gradually loom that this same Southack
1717 chart describes the West side here as "seacoast" even
though much of it is well within the confines of Narragansett Bay. It
feels like, and truly is, a stretch of “coasting”
navigation exposed to storms and is not heavily traveled by modern
shipping which favors the Central Passage off
Newport
. Indeed, quite near
our landing of interest at Narragansett/Pettaquamscutt
lies the ruins of a cast iron lighthouse that
stood some 73 feet high. In 1924 a storm wave - probably tsunami - swept
directly over the top with some damage to the roof. In the famed
hurricane of 1938 the entire lighthouse was swept away, together with an
unfortunate keeper.
Key in on [
Narragansett,
RI ] [Elev. 8km] where a site, the discovery here proposed, lies in an
obvious position as the very first plausible landing for a ship
exploring and which fits in all respects those clues that have been left
to us by Vikings who sailed with Leif Ericksson,
Thorvald Ericksson,
Thorfinn Karlsefni,
and Freydis Ericksdottir.
The placement of “Narragansett” is of interest here, for in
my previous writings I remarked that there “now”,
and seemingly never had been a town or village named “Narragansett”.
It may be that someone in
Rhode Island
investigated this
and placed this identifier in Google Earth.
The target you see here is just a place by the side of a road and, if
anything had been there, it would likely have been possibly a toll
booth. “Narragansett”, as named and known to the Indians, actually
was an island of reverence to them. It may have been, and I so believe,
that it was the nearby small island within Pettaquamscutt
Lake now named Gooseberry Island, .6 mile or one km distant WSW [
41°26'49.72"N, 71°27'36.75"W
]. My reasoning for this belief is that from subsequent events
recorded in colonial times, it became evident that the
Pettaquamscutt
River
Valley
was the central
locus of the Narragansett Indian political and cultural entity. [
Pettaquamscutt
Rock, RI ]
(also known as “Round Rock” and “Treaty
Rock”) became the central meeting place for the outlying divisions of
the culture, where chieftains periodically gathered and where, indeed,
the grant for foundation of the city of [
Providence
,
RI
], 25 miles to the North, was negotiated with Founder Roger
Williams. Pettaquamscutt Rock, then, bears
striking comparisons, socially, culturally, and materially, with the “Althing”
(Parliament) in
Iceland
.
See: [
Thingvellir
,
Iceland
]
(Variable elevations but go close-up. Both places are what one might
describe as “rugged” terrain. Vikings seem to have favored this sort
of environment.
Thingvellir can be researched on the web.
The river flowing nearby bears some similarity to
Pettaquamscutt
River
.)
Fly to:
[ 41°26’02.50”N,
71°25’54.90”W ],
which is a position of perspective of this drawing and was duplicated by
the Viking replica vessel "Gaia"
in 1991. Gaia had traversed all the way from
Norway
,
via
Iceland
and
Greenland
for the "Vinland
Revisited, 1991" program with no difficulty. It had the advantage
of modern navigational charts and devices but distance presented no
obstacles to arrival. The whole voyage consumed but three month which
included many way-stops. The position of our own ship of imagination,
“Wave Cleaver”, in the image on index page is [
41°29’24.18”N, 71°25’07.46W
]
Observe the
unique river mouth whereon Leif must have grounded and where Thorfinn
remarked that entry could not be made except at high tide. Both these
clues indicate constrained conditions of a smaller river as well as a
"safe" bottom (sand, mud). Leif's grounding was at a place of
interest so enticing that the crew, "---tumbled
over the side because they could not wait to explore."
One description of Karlsefni's
Hop stated that the river "---
flowed down the land (from the North)
into a lake and then into the sea." The Old Norse word "Hop" is defined as an estuary into which
salt water flows at high tide. This is an accurate definition of the
short river (
Narrow
River
or "The
Narrows") from the lake into the sea.
The area holds
and correlates with all the surviving clues left to us by those long ago
explorers. Somewhere in this vicinity must lie that salient spot where
the first recorded Europeans had settled in the New World - that place
of mystery and intrigue that has been sought by so many over the
centuries.
What has been
developed here is a series of landfalls together with certain
descriptions, some directly from the Sagas and others by reasoned
analysis. If we list these from our first established landfall of Crossannes
to our furthest landfall of “Barn Island”, we can see these as most
probably - in some cases certainly - in a most significant sequential
order from Greenland toward the furthest distant landfall
remarked: Crossannes; Wunderstrands;
North jutting cape; Keelness; Straumney;
Straumfjord (Karlsefni’s);
Bird’s nest Island; Animal excrement peninsula (omitted here as
indeterminate); Strand of slaying of five; “Sweetwater” Island;
Unnamed fjord (Leif’s); “Barn” Island.
This totals twelve landfalls of which very close comparisons can
be made for Crossannes/Plymouth Harbor, Straumney/Marthas
Vineyard, Sweetwater Island/Block Island, and “
Barn
Island
”/Fisher’s
Island
. Viewed from a
viewpoint of statistical analysis, this is a rather strong correlation,
especially so when geographic detail enters the equation. Certainly
strong enough to proceed with our next evaluation of the Narrow
River/Pettaquamscutt River
complex – Leifsbudir, our target
site.
We are not
finished with the landfalls of
Vinland
.
Now that we have arrived at “
Sweetwater
Island
” and try to
duplicate Leif’s course in a Northward direction, what we seek is a
particular and fairly well described river which flows from a not far
distant lake and another river that flows from the North into that lake.
The Sagas tell us
that Leif brought his “budir” ashore and
set it up for his encampment, thus signifying his ownership and
possession and, incidentally, the first recorded settlement in the
New World
by Europeans. A “budir”,(“booth”-er),
is a tent-like structure placed just behind (aft) of the ship’s mast
for habitation of the owner, leader or commander.
Its quality and appearance signified the social status of the
owner and, at the periodically held “Things” (parliaments) in Norse
culture, as well as commonly set up at the Leader’s home settlement
near his long-house. In all these places it would, with the roof’s
elaborately finely crafted weave, artistic support poles, and crafted
“high seat”, signify the leader’s presence, his social status and
position in his local hierarchy. Our analysis will enable us to position
Leif’s “budir” within a very small
area, almost to his footprints. At this spot, for the first recorded
time, it can now be proven, that Europeans and American Indians met,
traded, fought, and intermarried. From this resultant people they
evolved and left for our observation legacies of original pan-Atlantic
meeting of Caucasian and Oriental races of man who then transmitted these
legacies across what had been an impossible barrier.
All text
attribute to: Frederick N. Brown, Yarnell
Arizona
. 2008
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