A Collection of
Serious Vinland
Scholars may recall that perhaps, historically, New England
has always been the
favored locale of
This page will identify eight artifacts that "Antiquitates Americanae" had listed (the American historians had contributed) and others that had been overlooked and those discovered since 1837. I will identify the artifact and comment on it. All, however, must be understood to have no scientific provenance because they were not discovered under controlled conditions – they were discovered by accident. This lack of provenance does not mean they must be forgeries or are of no interest, it simply means that they are not "proven" to scientific standards. I make no claim over and above my commentary that all must be valid and simply display the result.
“Tack” each one as you investigate and at end zoom out and observe the pattern of occurrences. The resultant pattern is easily as indicative as validity of any particular one.
Listed are not only the
material artifacts, but also what I call as "iconographic",
that is, viewing a strong relationship of descriptions from either direct
reference from the Sagas (icon) to a comparable geographic factor or locale.
In
attempting to clarify the discussions on this page “iconographic”,
means something of the same order as “artifact” but not man-made:
something resulting from natural processes; something representative of the
object itself. Modern usage infers “—graphic” as being a visual clue,
but some dictionaries state a preference towards verbal or written words.
As an
artifact is something made by man, an iconographic
is something from a process that results in a
description as: we note a relatively fair description of an island Straumney
in the Vinland Sagas. A description
drawn
from a reliable source is less tangible than an object, yet it is very nearly as valid in reasoned
intercourse. As an artifact tells us of the presence of man, a description
tells us of a particular fixation even as it does not tell us the whole story.
We might think of this as a “literary factor” and this, then, can develop
into other concepts as in medicine, genetics, geography and other disciplines.
A “literary artifact” would be the description of the island Straumney
within the Vinland Sagas, not the island itself.
Thus, we have as an icon the
description of an island and we might accept that there was such an island but
do not yet know which island it had been. We can match the description
– the graphic - to some island
that seems to coincide but yet not proven, so more work needs to be done by
the detective of history. We have complications which differ from algebraic
equations, in which two factors are accepted as true to define an unknown
third. With us the only definite factor might be the description, and that mostly by agreement and debate. In
various talks that I have given I refer to this process as “boot-strapping”
where investigation, exploration, and experimentation become crucial.
In
the previous page on Landfalls of Vinland, both
C.C. Rafn and myself
identify Straumney as Marthas
Vineyard and it should be borne in mind that there are two concepts here: the
description of the island; and my opinion as to where the island is. I believe
myself, and may be, correct - but the subject is still open for discussion and
comparisons.
A
list of symptoms in medicine might be a “medical
iconographic” as it tells of a
disease or condition that might be named or yet unknown and simply informs us
of circumstantial evidence for further investigation, exactly as an artifact is a key to
further investigation.
A
description of a place or geographic entity, written or oral (but not a map) I
aver is a “geographic iconographic” of a particular place, but not the place itself and
we still must debate its location and validity.
A
genetic trait is an iconographic as
it describes a condition and yet deserves further investigation. It happens,
however, that genetic iconographics
might be the most definitive of all scientific statements because of great
advances in DNA analysis over the past few decades. In fact, genetics has the
ability to be more decisive in the history of mankind than artifacts because
the study of genetics has advanced to yield mathematical certainties, whereas
artifacts and other iconographics
might always be open to question to some degree until scholars agree on a
result. I consider myself most fortunate in discovery of published papers on
RI1000( number 30, below), whose exhumations convey genetic information – iconographics
- for proof of the discovery of Leif Erickson’s
If
there is a better word for my intent, I would appreciate hearing of it.
Follow
the directions to Google Earth® as shown on
"Landfalls of Vinland" use ruler liberally and zoom in and out for perspective.
"Tack" all as you find them as their placements and relationships
are as insightful as their existence. An overview at the end of the
exercise will yield great insights pertaining to
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Rafn
#1,
[
41 48'46.09"N, 71 06'37.46"W ]. The
most famous, researched and preserved of the runestones
of Southern New England. Moved a short distance from
"in situ" and a museum constructed
around it. May be visited and observed. It is pretty well eroded, has
been recorded since very earliest colonial days. Portions of it seem to have
been carved by steel or iron tools. Claims are made for it (displayed in the
museum) as both ancient Viking or 15th
century Portuguese as well as Indian and others. It might add to significance
that within this area was the home village of famed Massasoit,
Indian Wampanoag Chieftain who had welcomed the
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Rafn
#2,
[ 41 14'59.50"N, 70 48'46.96"W ]. Artifact lost and recovered several times. Rafn seemed uncertain as he placed it at [ 41 14'54.79N, 70 58'31.00W ] way out at sea, but later rediscovered and presently in long, slow process of recovery. This endeavor is on hold because of bureaucratic processes of US Army Corp of Engineers, who have oversight of navigable waters. It is now at tidewater but scholars have claimed that in the past it was located upon the plain above the beach and about 50 yards inland. Years after the original workmen left it the land below it eroded away, dropping both it and the larger stone upon which it had rested to the beach. The beach, in turn has subsided to where the stone now exists. It has been at that spot since hewing but the land has retreated from it. This is nature's way of demonstrating the old trick of yanking a tablecloth away while leaving the plate and silverware in place.
The eroded lower line seems to have been positioned where it was periodically covered with snow, water or ice during a time it was at earth level even near or beneath packed earth. Carved with steel or iron tools. (Indian petroglyphs before 1492 were created with hard stone and lack the clear definition that iron tools yield.) Most significant factors in favor of these carvings validity are, first: the stone’s placement which makes no sense whatsoever for a land marker - it is adjacent to, and faces the sea. It is now on the most extreme seaward edge of the territory and is seldom or never visited. The argument for this is apparent in the barrenness of the island, its geographic placement near the waterside. The island has never been populated but has been farmed with small sheep herds. However, from a seaman’s perspective, especially one exploring or marking a discovery, the placement is ideal. As can be seen in the landfalls page, this island had been seen, probably from close aboard( near at hand), by Leif Erickson in his passage West towards his initial island landing. The island lies at a place passed closely by coastwise shipping, the strait so narrow as to discourage entry on that side of the island, and the beach relatively easy to approach at calm surf by an afterboat. While the runes are translated with the date 1001(AD, presumably), it need not have been carved in precisely that year, but at any year within the next thirty or so when it appeared that Vikings intended permanent settlement of this coastline. The marker, therefore, seems to be a notice of interest to ships "coasting" off shore.
Secondly, the
inscriptions of the upper two lines of three are deeply incised into hard
stone while the lowest nearest the bottom and apparently originally as deep
and clear has eroded to where it is illegible. This comparison of clear
letters with erosion of the lower line indicate – proves in my estimation,
great antiquity, certainly of many centuries. The artifact was researched,
photographed and presented as part of the program of one Edward F. Gray (
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Rafn #3
, 
[ 41
39'51.91"N, 71 15'00.47"W ] [artifact]
Runestone now apparently lost near
Rafn
#8,
A much later visiting Norwegian scholar felt that certain markings he observed some 12 feet high on the West side seemed to be runes and translates as: "Church of the Bishop’s seat", the bishop being thought one Henricus who departed Greenland at some time in in the eleventh century in search of a lost Vinland. Records on Henricus state that his purpose was inspired by reports of the (Viking) people "---leaving the Church and going over to the natives" which
we now know was the case. It is not known if he ever arrived or ever returned from this voyage as this is the end of his saga. Perhaps this tower represents his presence and ultimate failure of re-conversions of the new genetic specific people called Narragansetts. We now know that this loss of Christianity did, indeed, occur.
Another argument of my
own and some others is that it is unlikely to have been a windmill because of
technical weaknesses of building a windmill from masonry or stone. I am aware
that this has been done and there are examples of it, especially with masonry
which, by its geometric regularity of bricks is more stable. But built with
stone is problematical because of the dynamic vibrations set up by the turning
arms of the windmill. The weight of each arm is considerable and at speed
quite so unbalanced as to cause severe vibrations which ultimately will
destroy the structure, especially one built on pillars as the Newport one is.
For windmills overall, wood is the better material, not because it is
stronger, but because it has enough flexibility to withstand vibration. I have
been inside a windmill with the sails turning at moderate speed and I can
affirm that this is somewhat more than the word vibration implies. It is more
like a shuddering and must be much worse at high speeds or in storm. As I
understand it, the canvas sails are removed when storms threaten, but even
without them the web-like supports for them can not be put out of operation so
that the rotor still turns (the brake cannot hold it), still at considerable
speed, but at a more manageable power level. The caretaker of the one I
visited on
I cannot refrain from
offering an opinion of my own concerning the Newport Stone Tower. I consider
it possible and probable that the tower is of Portuguese impulse of 1470’s.
The ship considered - one of three - happened to have either Portuguese
"agents" or commanders but, interestingly, a Scandinavian crew. This
crew, of course, would be the actual artisians of
the structure and would use their own measurement system. There are possible
recorded correlations to both [
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Rafn
#4, [artifact]
West side of the
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Rafn
#5, [artifact] West side of
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Rafn
#6, East side
of
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Rafn
#7, In a district
named [
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From Antiquitates
Americanae but not listed as artifact. Whale
Rock [ 41 25'36.98"N, 71 25'24.95"W
]. A natural feature not claimed as runestone
and, in fact, a bit of a mystery. Rafn shows this
on his detailed map apparently to compare with the stranded whale on Straumney.
It does not seem to bear at all with his theme of approach up Sakonnet
River. An interesting feature nevertheless. It
looks like a spouting whale from a little distance
.
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======
#9,
[ 41 38'47.85"N, 71 24'27.20"W
] [artifact] Runestone.
Newest discovery of about 40 years ago. Exact
location is confidential. It is in tidewater and seems to be a border or
property marker. The markings appear as runes but have not been fully
translated. In its favor is its location, for the little known subsidence of
the land must be accounted for and its original placement must have been much
before where the present shoreline is now located. As with the
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#10,
[ 43 45'39.67"N, 69 19'08.67"W
] [artifact]
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#11,
[ ] (I seem to have misplaced my references to this artifact. Will seek
it out and add when discovered.) Also from De La Barre.
Refers to "Ober Broadside"
(paper/pamphlet? of 1889) at West Newberry, MA. Described
as possible runes with Indian superscriptions.
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#12,
[ 41 43'51.00"N, 70 37'14.35"W
] [
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#13,
[ Bourne, MA
] [ 41 44'04.47"N, 70 36'00.75"W
] [artifact] Not far from
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#14,
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#15,
Again from
Goodwin.
[ 42 54'58.24"N, 70 36'33.78"W
] [ Hampton Beach NH.
] [ artifacts] Two runestones.
Translations, "---owns me", "Bui reis
stein" (Bui raises stone).
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#16,
[
======
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#17,
[
======
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#18,
[
45 11'39.42"N, 61 19'51.69W ] [artifacts]
Two, one an ax but with inscribed runes. Only four
of fourteen seem valid but a tentative translation is: "
Inscribed for Divine Protection" Source Frederick J. Pohl.
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#19,
Oak Bluffs on [ Marthas Vinyard,
MA ]
[ 41 27'30.31"N, 70 33'38.94"W
]. [artifact] Runestone known
from early colonial 1600’s. At one time had been translated by a
local clergyman from supposed runes but the translation is lost. It was known
for many years as a "lover’s rock" but eventually was overcome by
erosion, at which it fell from its high bluff with the inscription facing
upward. When I say "fell" I realize that this is not the correct
definition of what happens. The rock did not fall, neither did it slide, it
ended upon the beach in approximately the same place as it had occupied
earlier. The sandbank eroded away from under it, so that its descent was
gradual - perhaps 50 years from when the ground eroded under it. This is the
same process that occurred with the NoMans Land Runestone.
Eventually "Lover's Rock" was removed and used for shoring for pier
in the harbor. Nature's way of demonstrating our familiar
trick of yanking a table cloth away while leaving dishes and silverware in
place.
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#20,
[ 41
59'21.05"N, 70 42'04.77"W ] [artifact]
An ax recorded from the estate of original 1620 settler family named Howland.
At property inventory it was described as "Viking ax, over 200 years
old." Seems also to have runes upon it translating
to: "Father gave". This artifact, if valid, is one of
the most intriguing as it is possible to correlate it to Thorvald
Eiricksson himself who was buried on the headland
just across the harbor. William Goodwin collection.
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#21
[ 41 41'49.73"N, 71 53'08.80"W
] [artifact] Mysterious
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#22
[geographic iconographic] [possible other artifacts]
One of my early acts of investigations was to visit this place and counter it with my own theories. I felt that perhaps Mr. Pohl looked for his landing too soon after turning into Nantucket sound. He seems to have felt that the crew was at the end of their tether, starving and exhausted. This does not seem to me to fit with the tale of their stay on an offshore island. I also felt that the terrain was not rugged enough – very few elevations nearby could be called hills.
It then occurred to me
that the lake was quite distant from the sea. A resident informed me that it
was about seven miles which I think too far. (Actually a bit less than five
miles, but perhaps some distance added for convoluted courses. Even fine miles
is a long way to work a small ship in undeveloped waterways.) As I have mentioned elsewhere,
seamen do not have the attitude that the sea is to be avoided. What they look
for is sheltered anchorages as close to the sea as possible. Time of
traverse to where their voyage to fish or faraway begins is a large
consideration for seafarers. At
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[ 41 29'11.24"N, 71 26'10.27"W ] [possible artifact] In research I discovered legends of another ancient tower located on the west side of the bay. Memories of this remain in the alternative name of McSparran's Hill as "Tower Hill" and also that section of the Boston/New York post Road - US rt. 1 - called Tower Hill Road. In examining satellite photos I was astonished to discover an area that appears to have at one time contained a tower of similar proportions to the Newport Tower. Several times I have examined the field where it seems to have stood and could not determine any thing at ground level.
I was guided to this
area by speculation that if there had been a tower that matched the Newport
one, it would probably be related to a line of light/sight sourced from the
Newport Tower fireplace and the oddly placed Western window which has long
been speculated to have been a possible lighthouse configuration. I discovered
that this line of sight was directed precisely towards Pettaquamscutt
Rock on the other side of the bay. It was in tracing this line of sight that I
discovered the apparent traces of the second tower. There is nothing peculiar
in the idea that perhaps this second tower had existed.
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#23, [ 41 26'31.46"N, 71 26'38.30"W ] [literary iconographic]. Offered as indicative is the area of the Narrow River mouth which coincides with descriptions extracted from the Vinland Sagas.
#24,
[
41 28'15.67"N, 71 27'09.48"W ] [geography
iconographic] Pettaquamscutt Rock. Invisible
under the forest canopy. What might be noted is the smaller extent of
the tree tops here as can be seen in the stunted trees in right hand photo.
This is the result of thin topsoil upon its top. Not precisely an
"artifact" it coincides with descriptions extracted from Vinland
Sagas.
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#25,
[ 41 27'22.53"N, 71 27'25.78"W
] [geographic iconographic].
An area detected by this writer in an early satellite photo and analyzed at
University of Texas as a "ghost field". It does not seem to coincide
with modern or colonial property lines and seems to have signs of structures
at its highest (inland) end that compares with medieval farm patterns. In my
own analysis of this "ghost farm" and its relationship to other
factors of the settlement, it is my guess that this is the most likely spot
for the farm of Thorfinn Karlsefni,
his wife Gudrid, and birthplace of Snorri.
It is now overgrown with small trees and brush but at the time of the
satellite photo (1973) was more or less clear pasturage, which enabled the
indistinct outlines to appear.
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#26, [ 41 27'31.00"N, 71 27'29.00"W ] [iconographic] (Precise location deliberately obscured.) Jireh Bull homestead. Caution to independent investigators! This property is owned by the RI Historical Preservation Society and has no legal approach across local property lines whose owners are alert to trespassers. The area also possesses strong defenses to those wandering about. Property owners are possessive, the area is infested with wood-ticks which are suspected to carry Lyme Disease, and extensive overgrowth of a plant called Greenbriar, easily as effective as barbed wire. Persons attempting to force these tangles are sure to be well bloodied. (As I discovered to my regret.)
This area was of interest to me as it is the most likely place for an
approaching seaman to view as a dwelling site. This location is defined not by the terrain
(hilly and steep) as it is by the channels in the waterway below. The seaman
is interested in bringing his ship as close to the shore as possible (for
small ship "beachings", at least) and
his dwelling so close as to overlook his anchorage. For this reason, I felt
that both Leif Erickson and Jireh Bull would match
each other’s interest for dwelling sites. Bull, as it happens, was the first
of the English colonials to build within this estuary at a time when the whole
of the land west of
In 1917, because of interest in the decayed ruins of the 1663 Bull homestead, Archeologists excavated the homestead which eventually extended to four structures dating from 1663 to 1678. Two very intriguing discoveries were made, the first being absence of a well or water supply, which struck the archeologists as peculiar, but there is a small spring there now which at one time had a "spring-house" built over it. The spring must have been there when Jireh Bull dwelt there and also when Leif Erickson did much before. It would be Bull, of course who built the spring-house. (Colonial spring-houses were used for milk and butter storage as they are commonly cooled by the flowing water.
The second item is even
more significant and may be viewed as a valid artifact, perhaps of great
significance. The archeologists discovered underneath the Bull structure,
recorded to have been built in 1663, clear evidence – traces - of an even
more ancient structure. It is this unexamined building that I claim might well
be the true residence of Leif Erickson c.AD1000. The Archeologists recorded this older structure in their report to
the RI Legislature, but no further attention has been drawn to this amazing
information. This cessation of attention no doubt was the result of American
entry to WWI. It is worth repeating that this 1663 Bull dwelling was one of,
and perhaps the very first, endeavor at building anywhere on the West side of
Narragansett Bay. In 1663, the colony of Rhode Island
existed only in four
quite limited areas near the Bay waters;
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#27
[
41 30'29.64"N, 71 25'04.98"W ] [artifact]
Mr. Clausen is remarked
in the research of Frederick J Pohl and was interviewed for a radio program in
1936 in his later years in which he stated that he would believe till his
dying day that the artifact was a Viking Halberd; that Pettaquamscutt
River was the Leifsbudir and Hop of the Icelandic
Sagas; and that the battle of Hop occurred a bit north of Saunder's farm
[ Saunderstown,
RI ] on the East
side of Pettaquamscutt River. The ax, however, was
discovered quite close to salt water edge near the bay at a place long noted
as a landing site for ferrying to and from [
Note the small spurs that are structured upon the two axes (#18, #20) viewed above. Those spurs seem too weak and impractable to serve any useful purpose for hewing or managing logs and it is my belief that the purpose might be, indeed, a European and Viking innovation for the purpose of grappling an opponent’s shield when in close combat. The warrior, in this supposition, would hold the shield upon his forearm with the left hand holding both shield and ax, his right hand grasping a long-sword. The opponents would attempt to immobilize each other's shield arm where strength and aggression would come into play until a forced opening for a sword stroke would end the argument. It may have been the appearance of such a spur on the Saunderstown ax that made Mr. Clausen to refer to it as a "halberd".
Some of those who
ridiculed Mr. Clausen’s work claimed that the ax must have been a
"broad-ax", which compares roughly with the size and weight of that
found. My counter to this is that in 1889 broad-axes were still a common tool
with both woodmen and carpenters and have a distinct configuration of an
off-set from the haft hole to where they can be mounted upon the handle for
left and right strokes along sides of a beam being shaped. An adze hews along
the face of a beam, while a "broad ax" hews along one side or the
other. The ax is mounted on the handle one way or the other for a right or
left stroke along the log. In hewing masts for ships, for instance, broad axes
were commonly used. Surely this would have been pointed out or discovered by
Mr. Clausen in his lifetime of research, but there must have been something
about the artifact that was distinctive and distinctively Norse to make him
devote his career and reputation to it.
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#28.
[ 41 23'31.75"N, 71 38'37.13"W
] [genetic iconographic]
Narragansett cemetery,
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#29. [ 41 29'38.45"N, 71
22'59.19"W ] Narragansett cemetery researched at
the same time as that following. I have been unable to discover any papers on
this site.
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#30
RI-1000 [ 41
34'47.35"N, 71 30'19.62"W ] [genetic
iconographic] The
Champion !! Discovered by
accident and excavated and researched by archeologists from
A summary for insight
seems in order at this point. We have theorized that
In the intervening
years from 1000AD, the genetic grouping expanded to the approximate borders of
present State of
RI1000 is located
nearly central to